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ELECTION OF SPEAKER. 



REMARKS ^^^ 



OF 



HON. GEO. G. DUNN, OF INDIANA, 

DELIVERED 

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 4, 1856, 
PreviGtis to the JVineiy' Second Ballot for Speaker of the House of Representatives. 



Mr. DUNN said: I am convinced, Mr. Clerk, 
that all men must now see that we are in an en- 
tanglement, out of which we cannot, so far I can 
see, readily extricate ourselves; and being disposed 
to arrive at a solution of the difficulty, without 
regard to means, provided they be only not im- 
proper in themselves, I want to make a proposi- 
tion. What I cannot untie without more labor 
than is reasonable — to make the matter short and 
results practical — I would cut. Sir, I am sorry 
tliat under the rule which we have adopted, there 
are only ten minutes' time allowed me for the 
explanation of what, I think, if fully understood 
and appreciated, would end our troubles here and 
bring about an organization. [Cries of " Go 
on !"] I thought I saw yesterday a proposition 
which, if it had not been laid on the table, would 
have closed this contest. 1 regretted to see it so 
disposed of. I do not intend to cast reflections 
upon anybody, to ask the question, who is at 
fault, or to defend any person against imputations 
of tault. But I do ask gentlemen on every hand, 
is it not time that we should maJie some effort — 
that somebody should make an effort — to get clear 
of this trouble ? I know that my position is not 
just the appropriate one to make that effort; but, 
as others do not, I will take the responsibility, 
regardless of positions, or what may be thought 
of them anywhere. 

I shall make no reflection upon gentlemen who 
adhere to their colleague, [Mr. Banks;] nor upon 
those who, from any considerations, past or exist- 
ing, rally around him. But T ask them, have they 
not seen, and do we not all see, that there are 
obstacles here which cannot be passed over, if 



ever, in any reasonable length of time ? What, 
then, is the course of wisdom? What, men of 
Massachusetts, is the teaching of your own great 
and glorious history, whenever it has been mani- 
fest that your personal wishes stood in the way 
of the attainment of a great end which we were 
all struggling for? Look at the burning page that 
is before you, and read its teachings. Let me 
ask, in kindness, I beg of you, what is written 
in the history of your own eventful and brilliant 
past. Eight years — almost one eighth of the ex- 
istence of our Government — your children have 
sat in the chair of the speakership of this House. 
There was your Sedgwick, your Varnum, your 
Winthrop. And in the other end of the Capi^^ol, 
twelve years of presidency hase been yours. Your 
great Adams and your Gerry have been there. 
The seat of highest honor — the Chief Magistracy 
— the great father and the great son, the elder and 
the younger Adams, have occupied. In the na- 
tional Cabinet, from the first, your voice has 
almost always been heard. In our diplomatic re- 
lations, your name has been registered in nearly 
every court upon earth. You have earned these 
honors, and have worn them well. They were 
yours by the highest title — merit. 

I know that " Judah is a lion's whelp." From 
'* the prey" he has "gone up." I know that the 
scepter was rightly given to him. But I ask if 
it is not true that a day was to come when others 
were to share the emblem of power? Has not 
that day come? I ask in all kindness, whether, 
when that day has come, an uncompromising 
resistance should be made to its rights? The 
children of the "land of corn and wine," the 



£43^ 



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" land of bread and vineyards" are here. Their 
garments have been " washed in wine," and their 
"clothes in the blood of grapes." And was it not 
prescribed that your right to the scepter should 
tlien cease? Ought you now to object that " a 
law-giver" should depart from between your 
feet? Ought you to struggle forever? Sir, it is 
not yet seventy years since our prophet fathers, 
from the tops of these high mountains here in the 
East, looked out upon our Canaan, then a vast, 
dark wilderness, filled with barbarous men and 
pro%yling beasts of prey. They gave us their 
blessing — the blessing of liberty forever — and 
told us to go and possess that wilderness. That 
was our portion. We needed no more — we asked 
for no more; for they gave us a free earth — a free 
and honest labor forever. Dimly they saw the 
great future; but they felt that their vision would 
be a reality, ^ini it is. 

That wilderness has passed away; those sav- 
age wilds, and savage men, and savage beasts 
are gone; and in their stead, there stands proudly 
up, this day, an evi^ire, with all the elements of 
greatness, of grandeur, and of glory. Her people 
have been numbered, and they are six millions — 
twice the strength of those who achieved the in- 
dependence of this nation. We understand the 
cause of all this. Why, then, stand we here in 
idle contests about particular men? Another 
land of promise is opened before us. Shall that, 
with its future millions, be blessed as we have 
been blessed? That is the question — not whether 
Judah shall still hold the scepter, which, in the 
ftillness of time, is rightfully another's. I put it 
to you, men of Massachusetts, if the lesson of 
tlic past does not say, concede a little? To whom 
la the concession- asked to be made? Do we 
wish that the scepter shall pass entirely from 
Israel, and go to a stranger? On the contrary, 
do we not only wish that it shall pass from one 
of his descendants to another? 

Ohio has long been here. She has never occu- 
pied a seat there. None of these high places have 
been hers. She stands here upon this floor, 
young as she is, only third in point of numbers. 
She is second to none — the equal of the proud- 
est in ability, in patriotism, and in devotion to 
the great common cause. Her claims were mod- 
estly and respectfully submitted here at the begin- 
ning of the session, not exactingly, not perti- 
naciously; meeting a steady repulse, these claims, 
for the sake of harmony, were generously, mag- 
nanimously withdrawn. That harmony was not 
secured, but only increased discord. I will not 
impute this to personal ambition. Let everything 
pass away from our minds wliich can wound or 



irritate; say, if you please, it was the result of mis- 
understanding — anything which will turn away 
unkindness, and bring us together in a strong and 
abiding union in feeling, purpose, action. Let 
our strife cease, for it all comes to nothing; blot 
out and forget what has passed, and let us begin 
afresh. That step taken, our efforts will at onoe 
be crowned v/ith success. Is this unreasonable? 
It is the lesson taught by Massachusetts herself? 
Your own John Adams passed over your war- 
riors, born to lasting renown amid the smoke and 
flame and carnage of the first great battles of free- 
dom, and sought in another colony the man who 
was to command the armies of the Republic, and 
who, as has justly and appropriately been sfdd 
here a few days ago, was destined in thatstrugglo 
to crown himself and his country with an ever- 
lasting fame. That was an example worthy of 
him who gave it, and all hbrior from all men. 

Now, sir, I proposed on yesterday an amend- 
ment to a resolution that was offered here by the 
gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. Walker,] to 
strike out the name which had been inserted for 
the presiding officer of this House, and insert that 
of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Leiter.] The 
gentleman from Ohio protested against the iiae 
of his name in that connection, and, against my 
own judgment as to what was best, upon his 
request I withdrew his name, and substituted 
another in its place. Now I intend again to renew 
the proposition which I then made. I intend to 
present the name of that gentleman for the us« 
of the House. And let me remind him that Cin- 
cinnatus, though in quiet, humble retirement, en- 
gaged at his plow, came, when called, to occupy 
the highest place in Rome, to relieve her from 
peril. Washington did not seek the toils, the 
cares, and the responsibilities of the public ser- 
vice. He stood abashed and trembling v/hen that 
proposition of the distinguished son of Massa- 
chusetts fell upon his unwilling ear; but he stood 
not back when his countrymen requii-ed his as- 
sistance in their greatest need. 

[Here the hammer fell, the time to which the 
honorable gentleman was entitled under tlie rule 
having expired.] 

[Cries of "Go on ! go on !"] 

Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I hope the h&B- 
orable gentleman from Indiana will be permitted 
to continue his remarks. [Renewed cries of " Gro 
on!" "No objection!"] 

Mr. DUNN. I tliank the House for its kind 
indulgence 

Mr. McMULLIN. I object. 

Mr. JONES. If tliere is objection, 1 raoTe 
that the gentleman from Indiana be heard. 



3 



Mr. McMULLIN. I objected not from any 
indiaposition to hear the gentleman from Indiana, 
but because I prefer that the tcn-minutc rule 
idiould be rescinded. 

S«?vcral Members. Oh, no! Let him go on. 

Mr. McMULLIN. Well, sir, as gentlemen 
%3cm to request it, I will withdraw my objection, 
and allow the gentleman from Indiana to proceed. 

Mr. JONES. I suggest, then, that, by unan- 
imous consent, the gentleman from Indiana be 
allowed to continue his remarks for ten minutes 
longer. , ' 

Mr. DUNN. I beg loave again to thank the 
House for this kindness. I shall not trespass 
upon ius indulgf^nc-c unreasonably. I was going ! 
on to say, that I hoped there was no man any- 1 
where to be found in this country, that would dis- 1 
regard the force of two such illustrious examples 
ns those I have named. The proudest are not ! 
abased in following them; the humblest elevates 
himself when he walks in the footsteps of such I 
men. None have the right to say nay, when I 
called by the wants of the public service to duty, j 

Now, sir, I have mentioned the name of the 
gentleman from Ohio, with the reliable informa- i 
tion which I have received of hia entire fitness 
for the place for which I have designated him. ! 
He has experience in such duties, and is a man , 
of general ability. Gentlemen, he is true to your ! 
interest. He is true to the great le.sson of that \ 
land which was dedicated to freedom and to free ; 
labor, forever. He has known no other lesson 1 
but that taught by our great and wonderful his- j 
tory. He could not be otherwise than true to j 
you. Does any man doubt it? If there is one, I 
let him speak. He is honest; he is capable; he { 
is faithful to the Constitution. These are the i 
conceded requisites for place. He will not betray ' 
you; he will not prove faithless to the cause of j 
his country. Whj'-, then, should we hold back I 
for a moment.' There, I doubt not, wc can con- 1 
centrate our strength, and organize if we will ; 
but try. 

Gentlemen say that they are embarrassed by 
their old party positions, from the fact that they 
have been Democrats. My answer is, that such 
are the antecedents of the man that I propose. 
lie has no other; there he is with you. Now, 
what is your objection.' Let me "know your 
faith by your works " on this proposition. But { 
the gentleman himself objects. T have noticed 
already what ought to be a sufficient answer to ' 
his objections; and because he does object 1 like , 
him none the less: in my judgment, we should j 
all like him the more. These high places sliould ! 
not be sought by men, but should seek the man;; 



and if we shall establish and steadily adhere to 

I tliat rule of conduct, the generations of a thousand 

j years will rejoice in the blessings which are ours 

to-day — not diminished, but still incrt'used and 

I advanced with the march of time. Our insti- 

' tufions and our blessings then will not fail, but 

they will stand — will endure forever. These 

• places ought not to be regarded as the object of 

j individual, of eager, of grasping, of bold-faced 

ambition; and in the day we surrender them 

to such pursuit, it would be better at once to 

apply the torch and consume all; for it is only 

a vain struggle to preserve that which is passing 

away, and will result only in individual suffering 

to all who come to the rescue. 

I shall present, sir, the name of the gentleman 
from Ohio [Mr. Leiter] as the means of accom- 
modation. I shall not call for the previous ques- 
tion. Other gentlemen may desire to submit 
amendments. Let that be done. Let us have 
the amendments. Let us cast about; let us try 
if there is not one man in this House who will 
be acceptable to all. Amend, if you choose, with 
the name of Mr. Banks — see if he can command 
a majority. I shall not say one word in dispar- 
agement of that gentleman. I point you to an 
existing fact. You know that there arc some 
embarrassments which it is scarcely possible to 
expect gentlemen can overcome. Things have 
been said here in regard to appliances used or 
offered; things have been said in the journals of 
the country — no matter whether they arc time or 
false — in view of which the moment any man 
should change his vote to Mr. Banks, under ex- 
isting circumstances, he would be blasted in 
reputation before the public. There is noescapa 
from it. We are bound to be useful; to do that, 
wc must preserve the powers of usefulness, and 
not permit ourselves to be the subject of unjust 
crimination, where we never could explain. Gen- 
tlemen ought to consider this. I wish to reliev* 
gentlemen from embarrassment. Let them make 
amendments from all quarters. Let us try each 
proposed name; and when we have cast about, I 
doubt not that by these means we may and will 
end this strife and this controversy. Wc have 
abundant precedent for this mode of electing the 
officers of this House. It has been often done. 

And I say to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr 
Leiter] that, if at last it shall be found that he 
is the man of our choice, he ought to surrender 
himself to the necessity of the occasion. He 
ought, then, to withdraw the words of repugnance 
v/hich he uttered yesterday. He cannot decline 
the station if we tender it to him. I know he 
distrusts his own abilities and shrinks from ihii 



4 



responsibility. He contemplates the whole sub- 
ject with unmixed dismay. Let him arm himself 
with his accustomed fortitude. Let him face 
this 



. "sea of troubles, 



And, by opposing, end them ! 
Let him be encouraged by the certain knowledge 
tliat.in all the trials which may await him, he will 
be surrounded by brave hearts that will comfort, 
and strong arms that will sustain him. I insist 
that he should yield himself to us as a means of 
deliverance, and I beg gentlemen on all sides to let 
his submission be a peace offering, and a bond of 
liarmony and concord amongst us. 

Our reconciliation effected, and our differences 
on this subject settled, we may go on harmo- 
niously to the accomplishment of tlve great work 
which is so earnestly desired by all who have 
been struggling on one side of this House. I 



offer, for i 
the resolu 
I hope thi 
should at 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 897 843 2 



nds, 

jsk. 

>We 

sub- 



ject. I am perfectly willing to hear and consider 
any amendment which gentlemen may wish to 
offer. 

In conclusion, let me say that I have carefully 
tried to avoid anything that might give offense. 
If one word has escaped me that has in the least 
wounded any man's feelings, he may be assured 
it was not intentional. References to painful 
subjects here have necessarily been made, but 
that has been done with as much delicacy as waa 
possible in order to be understood. 
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows: 
Resolved, That Benjamin F. Letter, a Ilcpresentativo 
from tlie State of Ohio, be, and he hereby is, declared to b« 
the S|ieakcr of the House of Representatives of this, tit» 
Thirty-Fourtli Congress. 



Printed at the Congressional Globe Office. 



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